Abstract: China rightfully stands as one of the leaders in world Olympic sports for many years. At the same time, sports achievements are viewed not only as a goal but also as a means of addressing the current tasks in the country's international politics. As history shows, this approach has been employed by the Chinese government since the formation of the Republic, when sports diplomacy was regarded as a means to establish diplomatic relations with various countries, including the United States. The subject of the study is the sports diplomacy of the People's Republic of China, examined through the lens of the country's participation in the Olympic Games, Formula 1 World Championship, and other international sports competitions. The aim of the research is to identify how the impact of sports diplomacy, particularly the arrival of the first Chinese Formula 1 driver and the expansion of technological investments in the sports sector, contributes to the creation of a new channel of "soft power" and addresses economic challenges. The methodological framework includes the analysis of official documents, statistical data, and case studies of key events (the construction of the Shanghai circuit, contracts with global sponsors, the career of Zhou Guanyu). The work is based on highly informative articles by various specialists, such as A. Kattepura, V. Vostrikov, K. Goel, R. Rul, D. Oje, M.-P. Lafond. The results of the research indicate that sports diplomacy helps China develop a new platform for the dissemination of "soft power" and employs a new economic tool to attract tourists and mutual investments. This form of cooperation serves as an instrument for building bilateral relations with different countries, as demonstrated by the examples of "ping-pong diplomacy," "stadium diplomacy," and the Olympic movement. In the field of motorsport, China is actively integrating into its global technological and personnel structure. The PRC is no longer just a passive sponsor but an active participant in major competitions, including Formula 1. The emergence of a Chinese driver and the return of the Chinese Grand Prix after the pandemic have increased citizens' interest in motorsport, attracting over 200 million new fans and forming a positive image of the country.

Keywords: PRC, Sports diplomacy, Stadium diplomacy, Ping-Pong Diplomacy, Soft power, Olympic Games, Formula 1, Investments, Chinese Grand Prix, High-performance sport

Abstract: This article examines the Protocol between Italy and Albania, signed on 6 November 2023, as one of the most institutionally structured examples in European practice of relocating certain stages of border procedures and the related processing of applicants for international protection beyond the territory of a Member State of the European Union while preserving that state’s jurisdiction. The study focuses on the legal design of this mechanism, the reasons for its limited practical applicability, and its political significance for the broader European debate on the externalization of migration procedures and returns. Particular attention is paid to the relationship between the protocol’s normative rationale, the conditions for its practical implementation, and its subsequent political framing in institutional and intergovernmental discussions within the EU. The methodological foundation of the study combines a case study design with chronologically structured document analysis and elements of process tracing, as well as comparative legal and political-institutional analysis of regulatory acts, judicial decisions, parliamentary materials, and documents of EU institutions. The article’s scientific novelty lies, first, in demonstrating that the legal limits of the Italy-Albania scheme are revealed through its dependence on the safe country of origin regime rather than through any abstract prohibition of extraterritorialization as such; second, in reconstructing the mechanism through which this bilateral experiment was transformed into a coalition-based argument and subsequently integrated into the official discourse of EU institutions; and third, in combining legal and political analysis on the basis of materials from 2023 to 2026. The study shows that the protocol’s direct operational effectiveness has been limited, whereas its political visibility and significance for the EU agenda have been considerably greater. The article thus clarifies the limits of generalizing from this case and demonstrates that its significance is determined not only by the legal novelty of the mechanism but also by its role in shaping the broader European debate.

Keywords: Italy, Albania, extraterritorialization of asylum, externalization, right to asylum, safe origin country, safe third country, CEAS, process tracing, EU migration policy

Abstract: Interrelations between states in various spheres contribute to their rapprochement and deepening mutual understanding. The humanitarian sphere makes a significant contribution to the formation of friendly relations and has the potential to reduce regional tensions. The classical theory of interdependence by Thibaut and Kelley, describes models of interaction which exist within interdependent relationships. Contemporary relations in Northeast Asia require an adaptation of the theory, though due to the tense situation in the region caused by the possession of nuclear weapons by the DPRK and by the low level of interconnectedness of the states in the region and a deficit in mutual trust. This study is conducted in the spirit of qualitative analysis. Through an in-depth description of official documents and recent historical events, complemented by a comparative analysis of bilateral relations, this paper substantiates how the non-political functions of the humanitarian sphere are transformed into geopolitical dividends in the security sphere. This study substantiates the importance and primacy of humanitarian ties for building not only political ties but also a security system in international relations, applying interdependence theory to the DPRK's contemporary relations with Russia and China in the sphere of humanitarian cooperation. The study demonstrates that Russia and China's approaches to bilateral humanitarian cooperation with the DPRK are characterized by both differences and complementarities in content and focus, which, in turn, contributes to the further formation of interstate interdependence at the level of regional governance in Northeast Asia within the framework of reflexive control. The authors conclude that relations between Russia and the DPRK, and between China and the DPRK, are built on the principles of equality, mutual respect, and common national interests, which helps prevent the escalation of tensions in Northeast Asia and reduce the risks of conflict.

Keywords: humanitarian cooperation, interdependence theory, John W. Thibaut, Harold H. Kelley, relationship matrices, mutual reflexive control, Northeast Asian region, DPRK, Russia, China

Abstract: The subject of this study is the sanctions policy of the European Union towards the Russian Federation as an element of the contemporary international political system. The article focuses on the legal and institutional foundations underlying the formation of EU sanctions regimes, as well as on the specific features of their functioning within the framework of the Common Foreign and Security Policy. The study examines key EU normative acts regulating the introduction and implementation of individual and sectoral restrictive measures and analyses their role within the mechanism of external policy influence. Particular attention is paid to the relationship between the formal legal construction of sanctions and issues related to their perception in international relations. The research employs formal legal analysis of decisions and regulations adopted by the Council of the European Union, complemented by elements of content analysis aimed at identifying legal grounds, structural features, and normative formulations of sanctions mechanisms. The scientific novelty of the study lies in a systematic examination of EU sanctions policy from the perspective of its legal and political legitimacy. Sanctions are analyzed not only as an instrument of external policy pressure, but also as an institutionally and normatively structured mechanism functioning within the system of international relations. This approach expands existing empirical and institutional interpretations of sanctions regimes by emphasizing their legal structure, decision-making procedures, and conditions of application. The results of the study contribute to a more comprehensive understanding of the factors shaping the formation and perception of EU sanctions policy in the contemporary international political context and its role within the system of international relations.

Keywords: international sanctions, EU sanctions policy, legal legitimacy, political legitimacy, international relations, European Union, Russian Federation, international law, EU foreign policy, institutional mechanisms

Abstract: The object of the study is Germany's humanitarian policy towards Russia as a direction of bilateral relations. The subject of this study is the dynamics of institutional and residual formats of humanitarian interaction between Germany and Russia in the context of the geopolitical crises of 2014 and 2022. The aim of the article is to identify the nature and direction of transformation of the institutional model of Germany's humanitarian policy towards Russia after 2022, including the limits of its dismantling, in comparison with the changes that began after the 2014 crisis. The hypothesis of the study is that the sustainability of individual institutions of Germany's humanitarian policy towards Russia in the context of a geopolitical crisis is determined by the presence of structural constraints on dismantling: those institutions whose activities are based on long-term bilateral agreements, economic self-sufficiency, and mirror-connectedness with paired foreign institutions are preserved even in a truncated form, while institutions devoid of such constraints are dismantled. Accordingly, the difference between the post-2014 transformation and the post-2022 dismantling is qualitative, not quantitative: in the former case, the institutional structure was maintained despite partial politicization, while in the latter, it is purposefully dismantled, encountering only the aforementioned structural constraints. The methodological basis of the study is comprised of general scientific methods: historical-comparative methods, institutional analysis, and case studies. The scientific novelty of the study lies in identifying and systematizing the structural factors determining the selective dismantling of institutions of Germany's humanitarian policy toward Russia. It has been established that the resilience of an institution in a crisis is ensured by a combination of long-term bilateral agreements, economic self-sufficiency, and mirror-linked relationships with its counterparts, whereas the absence of these factors leads to its dismantling. A comparison of two phases of the crisis (2014–2021 and 2022–2026) demonstrates that the transformation after 2022 is qualitatively different and more targeted compared to the partial politicization of the preceding period. At the same time, the dismantling is not total: it encounters structural constraints that ensure the preservation of residual institutional and network formats. From the perspective of the concept of "soft power," the dismantling is interpreted as a deliberate limitation by Germany of its own humanitarian resource of influence vis-à-vis Russia.

Keywords: humanitarian policy, geopolitical crisis, sanctions, cultural diplomacy, scientific cooperation, soft power, Goethe-Institut, humanitarian cooperation, Germany, education

Abstract: The subject of the research is the evolution of Russian "soft power" from 2000 to 2025 in connection with the change in the country's foreign policy positioning, the institutional architecture of humanitarian influence, and the geography of external communications. The author examines the strategies, tools, and outcomes of cultural diplomacy, educational policy, international media presence, religious-civilizational practices, and work with compatriots abroad. Special attention is paid to the relationship between universalist and sovereign-identity components of Russian humanitarian policy after 2014, as well as the differences between the Russian, American, and Chinese models of "soft power." The aim of the study is to identify the stages of the evolution of Russian humanitarian strategy, determine the mechanisms of its implementation, and assess its effectiveness under conditions of sanctions pressure, digital restrictions, and a shift in foreign policy focus towards non-Western regions. The research is based on comparative-political analysis, discursive reconstruction, institutional mapping, and content analysis of official documents, program materials, and comparable analytical data. The main conclusion of the study is the presence of three phases in the development of Russian "soft power": proto-institutional, institutional-constructivist, and conflict-identification. The novelty of the research lies in the fact that Russian humanitarian policy is interpreted not as a collection of disparate projects, but as an adaptive system that changes under the influence of sanctions, information warfare, and the narrowing of Western channels of influence. It has been established that after 2014, Russia lost part of its universalist potential, but retained niche effectiveness in the post-Soviet and non-Western spaces, primarily through education, media platforms, cultural centers, and work with the historical-value agenda. The results can be used in the development of cultural diplomacy programs, educational exports, international communications, and regionally differentiated humanitarian strategies, as well as in expert and managerial practice.

Keywords: soft power, foreign policy, humanitarian diplomacy, information influence, strategic communication, civilizational identity, international relations, civilizational diplomacy, cultural sovereignty, Global South

Abstract: The article analyzes the processes of militarization of outer space and their impact on global security, strategic stability, and the balance of power between key centers of power, with a special focus on the role of Russia and the BRICS states in shaping an alternative, non-hegemonic architecture of space cooperation. The subject of the study is the military‑space dimension of Russia's interaction with BRICS partners in the context of the growing dependence of states on space infrastructure, including Earth remote sensing, navigation, communications and early warning systems, as well as the increasing threat of turning the orbit into an arena of armed rivalry. The purpose of the work is to show how Russia can use the BRICS format and the expansion of the association at the expense of the countries of the Global South to advance its interests, minimize the risks of unilateral Western military dominance in space and strengthen its own status as a great space power. The methodological basis of the work consists of comparative political and institutional analysis, as well as elements of neorealist and neofunctionalist approaches to the study of international relations. The research is based on the regulatory framework, official documents of Russia and BRICS, the materials of the United Nations, as well as modern foreign and Russian literature on space policy and multilateral cooperation. The scientific novelty of the work lies in the comprehensive consideration of the BRICS military‑space dimension as a tool for ensuring Russia's strategic stability in the face of the deepening militarization of outer space, sanctions pressure and technological fragmentation of the world order. Unlike existing research, which focuses primarily on either the legal aspects of PAROS or the economic dimension of BRICS, the article shows the interrelationship of legal, political, diplomatic, and technological mechanisms through which Russia can use space cooperation in the BRICS and BRICS+ formats to reduce dependence on Western power centers and diversify access to critical space resources and services. It is concluded that the development of a "virtual constellation" of satellites, the involvement of partners in the Russian Space Station project, and coordination of positions on preventing an arms race in space create additional opportunities to strengthen Russia's status as a great space power and deepen ties with the states of the Global South, despite institutional and political constraints within the association.

Keywords: Militarization of outer space, global security, strategic stability, Outer Space Treaty, BRICS, Russian space policy, military space cooperation, multipolarity, international space law, Global South