Abstract: The article is dedicated to examining the trade and economic cooperation between the People's Republic of China and the Kingdom of Cambodia in the context of increasing regional economic integration and the transformation of the global economy. The study explores the main areas of bilateral interaction, including the development of foreign trade, investment cooperation, institutional mechanisms of economic partnership, and Cambodia's participation in the Chinese initiative "One Belt, One Road." Special attention is given to analyzing the structure of trade turnover between the two countries, identifying the characteristics of export-import flows, and assessing the role of Chinese investments in modernizing Cambodia's industry, infrastructure, and energy sector. The research investigates free trade agreements, the Comprehensive Regional Economic Partnership (CPTPP) mechanisms, and bilateral cooperation programs aimed at developing production chains and transport connectivity. The methodological framework of the study comprises comparative and institutional analysis methods, as well as a systematic approach to studying international economic relations. Data from international organizations, government agencies of Cambodia and China, as well as scientific and analytical research materials have been utilized. The scientific novelty of the study lies in the comprehensive analysis of the current state of trade and economic relations between China and Cambodia, taking into account new regional and global economic processes, including the functioning of the CPTPP and the expansion of the Chinese initiative "One Belt, One Road." The article identifies the characteristics of the formation of an asymmetric model of economic interaction, in which Cambodia primarily acts as a supplier of raw materials and agricultural products, while China is the main source of industrial goods, technologies, and investments. It has been established that Chinese investments contribute to the development of infrastructure, industrial production, and energy independence in Cambodia, while simultaneously enhancing its involvement in regional production chains. The author concludes that the further development of bilateral cooperation will depend on Cambodia's ability to diversify its economic structure, strengthen its national industrial base, and more effectively utilize the advantages of regional economic integration.

Keywords: China, Cambodia, economic cooperation, foreign trade, foreign direct investment, Belt and Road Initiative, RCEP, trade imbalance, regional integration, infrastructure development

Abstract: The subject of the research is the multidirectional foreign policy of the Republic of Tajikistan as a unique model of foreign policy behavior of a small post-Soviet state, operating under conditions of continental seclusion, a limited export base, dependence on external labor markets, and the necessity of attracting investment resources. The article examines multidirectionality not as diplomatic equidistance from leading power centers or a simple expansion of international contacts, but as a tool for aligning foreign policy relations with the goals of national development. Special attention is given to cooperation with Russia, China, Central Asia, and Iran, as these directions illustrate the different functions of foreign policy: maintaining social and educational stability, attracting capital, developing transport connectivity, reducing border risks, and expanding Tajikistan's foreign economic space. The methodological basis of the study includes systematic, historical-political, comparative-political, and institutional methods, as well as the analysis of normative documents, official communications, and contemporary academic research. The scientific novelty of the article lies in the justification of a functional understanding of the multidirectionality of Tajikistan's foreign policy. It is demonstrated that its effectiveness should be assessed not by the formal balance of relations with various partners, but by the ability of external connections to create internal development resources. The Russian direction remains significant for labor mobility, education, and security; however, it requires a shift from dependence on migration income to productive cooperation. The Chinese vector opens up opportunities for investment and infrastructure development but carries the risk of entrenching raw material and import dependency in the absence of localization of added value. Regional cooperation with Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan becomes important not only as a factor of good neighborliness but also as a condition for transport and border stability. The Iranian direction expands the southern geography of interaction; however, its effectiveness depends on transforming political agreements into sustainable economic projects. It is concluded that the prospects for the multidirectional course of the Republic of Tajikistan are linked to its transformation from a mechanism for attracting external resources into a system for accumulating internal advantages, primarily in the fields of employment, industrialization, export diversification, and strengthening economic sovereignty.

Keywords: Republic of Tajikistan, foreign policy, multivectorism, international cooperation, Central Asia, PRC (People's Republic of China), strategic partnership, foreign trade, investments, national development

Abstract: The subject of the study is the mechanisms of the political evolution of relations between the European Union and the United Kingdom, examined through the Trade and Cooperation Agreement and the practical application of its provisions. The author turns to the background of the Agreement's conclusion, its main provisions and its institutional architecture, and then examines such aspects of the topic as the content of the review clause (Article 776) and the practice of its application, the work of the Partnership Council and the specialised committees, and the conclusion of supplementing agreements after the 2025 summit. Particular attention is paid to the policy of resetting relations between the parties and to the price of access to sectoral EU markets that this policy entails. The economic dimension of the five-year period is considered, including the dynamics of mutual trade in goods and services. The first arbitration case between the parties and the role of the dispute settlement mechanism are considered separately. The approaching tariff threshold of 2027 under the rules of origin for electric vehicles is also addressed. The study covers the period from 2021 to 2026. The methodological basis comprises comparative legal analysis, a historical and descriptive approach to the background of the Agreement, event analysis of the activity of the treaty bodies, statistical analysis of foreign trade series, a case study of the arbitration proceedings, and scenario forecasting. The author draws on primary documents, official registers of decisions, trade statistics, and special scholarly literature. The novelty of the study lies in the fact that, for the first time in Russian scholarship, an aggregated count of the activity of the Agreement's treaty bodies over the entire five-year period has been carried out, and the first arbitration ruling under this treaty has been introduced into scholarly discussion. The legal evolution of the Agreement proceeds through decisions of the joint bodies, supplementing agreements, and political summits, rather than through the review clause, which has remained empty. The dispute settlement mechanism is used less often the higher the political significance of the matter in question. A particular contribution of the author is the conclusion about a persistent asymmetry of negotiating outcomes in favour of the EU and about the sectoral reproduction of the association model that Brussels presents to both London and Bern. It is also shown that the durability of the parties' rapprochement derives from the ongoing Ukrainian conflict, while the parties have deprived themselves of the ability to postpone the approaching tariff threshold of 2027. The results supplement Russian historiography of the post-Brexit settlement and outline directions for further research.

Keywords: European Union, United Kingdom, Brexit, Trade Agreement, Review clause, Rest of relations, Dispute settlement, Arbitration, Differentiated integration, Asymmetry of interdependence

Abstract: The subject of this study is the regional treaty-based, institutional, political, and diplomatic mechanisms for conflict prevention in the field of transboundary water use in Central Asia. The object of the study is interstate relations arising from the use of shared water resources in the Amu Darya and Syr Darya basins. The author examines in detail the political and institutional sources of conflict potential, the asymmetry of interests between upstream and downstream states, water–energy interdependence, the impact of major hydraulic infrastructure projects, and the specific features of Afghanistan’s participation in regional water cooperation. The analysis covers multilateral agreements, the activities of the Interstate Commission for Water Coordination and the International Fund for Saving the Aral Sea, bilateral commissions, international legal norms, and contemporary project-based formats. Particular attention is paid to the capacity of existing mechanisms to coordinate seasonal water-use regimes, prevent the politicization of technical disagreements, and maintain negotiation-based interaction. The study also addresses institutional fragmentation, the dependence of implementation on national authorities, and the gap between water-management regulation and political-diplomatic coordination. The methodological framework combines systemic and institutional approaches, political and legal analysis of interstate agreements, elements of conflict analysis, and a comparative assessment of multilateral, bilateral, and project-based formats of regional cooperation. The scientific novelty of the study lies in interpreting transboundary water cooperation in Central Asia as a fragmented, multi-level architecture of conflict prevention and in identifying the institutional gap between operational water management and the political-diplomatic regulation of interstate disagreements. The study proposes criteria for assessing the preventive effectiveness of regional mechanisms, including the scope of participation, the binding nature of decisions, interagency coordination, and the capacity to adapt to new infrastructure-related risks. It concludes that the existing system is relatively effective in coordinating current and seasonal issues, but is less suited to long-term changes, major infrastructure projects, and the expansion of the circle of water users. The article substantiates the need not to establish new supranational organizations, but to integrate existing institutions procedurally. Its practical significance lies in proposals to strengthen coordination between technical and political levels, introduce a consistent procedure for prior notification, joint assessment, and intergovernmental consultations, and gradually expand basin-level dialogue with the participation of Afghanistan.

Keywords: transboundary water use, Central Asia, conflict prevention, regional mechanisms, water diplomacy, interstate cooperation, water–energy interdependence, basin management, hydraulic infrastructure, institutional coordination

Abstract: The subject of the study is the narratives of the foreign policy concepts of the People's Republic of China, that is, the stable semantic constructs through which Chinese leadership and the expert community justify and interpret the country's foreign policy course, referring to traditional culture, classical philosophy, and historical precedents. The work examines the strategic culture of the PRC as an endogenous factor that determines the logic of the state's foreign policy behavior, as well as traditional notions of world order – the hierarchical tribute model and the alternative equal-contractual tradition. Special attention is paid to key foreign policy formulas: "taoguang yanghui," "harmony while maintaining differences," good-neighborliness policy, peaceful course, and the concept of "harmonious world." The adaptation process of externally borrowed concepts – "soft power" and "global governance" – to the Chinese political context is studied separately. The chronological framework covers the periods of Jiang Zemin, Hu Jintao, and Xi Jinping's rule, allowing the tracing of the evolution of the concepts considered and the nature of their continuity. The methodological foundation consists of the concept of strategic culture, the historical-genetic method that allows tracing the origin of foreign policy formulas, contextual analysis of political discourse, and comparative analysis of traditional and borrowed concepts. The scientific novelty lies in the comprehensive examination of the PRC's foreign policy concepts in their direct connection with the primary sources of the Chinese philosophical tradition. The analysis shows that the appeal to traditional culture is not a merely auxiliary rhetorical device, but a system-forming principle of Chinese foreign policy thinking. The dual nature of such an appeal is revealed: on the one hand, the reference to ancient texts and historical precedents adds additional legitimacy to China's foreign policy and counters the perception of China through the lens of the "China threat theory"; on the other hand, the infusing of traditional formulas with new content indicates their flexible, instrumental nature, changing along with the foreign policy conjuncture. It is established that the evolution of concepts from Jiang Zemin through Hu Jintao to Xi Jinping demonstrates continuity in the basic cultural-philosophical coordinates while simultaneously renewing their political content. The conclusion is drawn that considering strategic culture is a necessary condition for an adequate interpretation of official documents of the PRC.

Keywords: China, foreign policy, foreign policy concepts, strategic culture, political narrative, Chinese philosophy, soft power, global governance, harmonious world, Xi Jinping

Abstract: The subject of the study is the institutional configuration of Turkmenistan’s participation in the Commonwealth of Independent States following the formalization of its associate member status in 2005. The article examines the relationship between permanent neutrality, the scope of multilateral commitments undertaken, and the sectoral depth of Ashgabat’s interaction with the CIS member states in 2005–2026. The research problem arises from the insufficient conceptualization of stable intermediate forms of regional participation that cannot be reduced either to deeper integration or to withdrawal from an association. Particular attention is paid to how associate member status limits Turkmenistan’s military-political involvement while preserving opportunities for participation in the Commonwealth’s economic, transport, energy, and humanitarian agendas. The scope of the study also includes changes in the practical function of this status, the role of chairmanship mechanisms, the specific features of sectoral selection, and the boundary between the incorporation of national initiatives into collective CIS documents and their subsequent implementation. The methodological framework combines historical-institutional analysis, directed qualitative content analysis of twelve official and policy-oriented analytical documents, a limited comparative analysis involving Azerbaijan and Uzbekistan, and selected elements of process tracing used to reconstruct the sequence through which initiatives advance. The scientific novelty of the study lies in substantiating selective participation as an independent model of Turkmenistan’s regional behavior within the CIS. It is established that associate member status functions not as a reduced form of membership, but as a mechanism for the preliminary selection of international commitments compatible with permanent neutrality. Two successive institutional boundaries are identified: the exclusion of inadmissible formats before a commitment is undertaken and the dependence of the subsequent implementation of an agreed initiative on the decisions, resources, and procedures of the participating states. A sectoral hierarchy of permissible multilateralism is also established: transport requires the broadest coordination, energy cooperation remains predominantly bilateral, while trade, economic, and humanitarian cooperation occupy an intermediate position. The study demonstrates that, despite the unchanged legal basis of the status, the ways in which it has been used have evolved from defining the limits of participation to the programmatic and collective institutionalization of selected priorities. In certain cases, Turkmenistan is capable of embedding national initiatives in CIS documents and the activities of its bodies, but it lacks independent means of ensuring their multilateral implementation.

Keywords: Turkmenistan, CIS, permanent neutrality, associated participation, selective participation, regional subjectivity, multilateral cooperation, institutional distance, foreign policy autonomy, differentiated integration

Abstract: The subject of the study comprises the institutional differences between AUKUS, QUAD, and trilateral formats involving Japan, as well as the ways in which these mechanisms are linked to the United States’ bilateral treaty alliances. The research problem arises from the fact that the expansion of regional coordination has not been accompanied by the standardization of membership, legal foundations, the scope of commitments, or decision-making procedures. As a result, AUKUS, QUAD, and trilateral mechanisms are usually examined as separate initiatives, while their place within the broader U.S. military-political architecture remains insufficiently explained. The purpose of the study is to determine how differences in treaty status, national interests, threat perceptions, and the political readiness of partners constrain the depth of cooperation, and how the United States consolidates the resulting differentiation through the functional specialization of individual formats. The study covers the period from 2021 to 2026 and focuses on the technological, operational, and political-coordination levels of interaction. The methodological framework combines comparative, institutional, and structural-functional approaches with a qualitative analysis of strategies, international agreements, joint statements, and decisions adopted by defense and foreign-policy bodies. The formats are compared in terms of their membership, treaty foundations, scope of commitments, areas of cooperation, procedural stability, and depth of functional integration. The study finds that minilateralization neither displaces bilateral alliances nor represents a consistent progression toward a multilateral military bloc. AUKUS provides the deepest level of military-technological and defense-industrial integration without establishing a common defense guarantee. Trilateral formats develop operational coordination, information sharing, joint exercises, and the use of military infrastructure. QUAD retains its political and cross-sectoral character, enabling India to participate in sustained cooperation without assuming alliance commitments. Institutional heterogeneity initially arises from differences among the partners and is subsequently consolidated selectively through the distribution of functions and levels of access. The coherence of the architecture is maintained by bilateral alliances, overlapping state participation, and the coordinating role of the United States rather than by a common governing body or a unified security guarantee. The study’s scientific novelty lies in explaining minilateralization as a means of transforming constraints on cooperation into a stable functional division of labor that increases the adaptability of the U.S. regional presence without eliminating the fragmentation of the regional security system.

Keywords: United States, Indo-Pacific region, minilateralism, minilateralization, military-political architecture, AUKUS, QUAD, alliance system, military-technological cooperation, regional security

Abstract: The relevance of the research topic is due to the fact that in the context of the crisis of multilateralism and the formation of a polycentric world order, the UN Security Council maintains its status as a key legitimate platform for making binding decisions on issues of international peace and security. France and China, possessing the same institutional status as permanent members of the UN Security Council, rely on different historical practices, foreign policy interests, and ideas about the permissible limits of international intervention. French policy is associated with post-colonial influence, the practice of "penholder," and normative activism, whereas China's highlights sovereign equality, non-interference, and prioritizing the positions of African states and regional organizations. The object of the study is the voting of France and China in the UN Security Council on the African agenda as a form of implementation of foreign policy strategies of the two permanent members concerning African states. The subject of the study is the degree, structure, and dynamics of agreements and disagreements between the positions of Paris and Beijing on UN Security Council resolution projects, as well as the connection of the identified patterns with the differences in the approaches of the two states to sovereignty, non-interference, sanctions, peacekeeping, and international coercion. The methodological basis of the work consists of the comparative-political method, quantitative analysis of votes, and content analysis of the statements of representatives of the states. This scientific work is based on the tenets of neoclassical realism, which considers a state's foreign policy behavior as a result of the interaction of systemic constraints of the international environment with national interests, historical experience, institutional capabilities, and perceptions of political elites. The scientific novelty of this research lies in the combination of doctrinal analysis and quantitative research of the voting patterns of the two permanent members of the UN Security Council over the same time period. It has been established that out of 446 draft resolutions, the positions of France and China coincided in 398 cases (89.2%), while disagreements were recorded in 48 cases (10.8%). In 45 out of 48 episodes, France voted "for," while China abstained, confirming the role of abstention as a primary tool of diplomatic distancing from Beijing without directly blocking the decision of the Security Council. The share of discrepancies rose from 1.7% in 2010–2015 to 21.5% in 2020–2025; the highest concentration of disagreements pertained to issues in Sudan, South Sudan, Somalia, the Central African Republic, and Libya.

Keywords: UN Security Council, Africa, France, China, Voting, Non-intervention, Responsibility to protect, Sovereignty, Sanctions, Peacemaking

Abstract: The subject of the research is the selectivity of sanction pressure on the Russian nuclear industry in 2022–2026 and the structural mechanisms behind it. The empirical anomaly is this: over four and a half years the European Union adopted twenty-one sanctions packages covering oil, gas, banking, crypto assets, gold, diamonds, mining and metallurgy, yet the nuclear fuel cycle was not affected by any of them. Meanwhile the asymmetry in Russia's favor is stronger here than in any other energy segment: Russian capacities account for about 40% of global uranium enrichment, and Rosatom, by its own estimates, holds 80–90% of the export construction market. The method is secondary analysis of official documents and industry statistics with a structured comparison of cases; the source base comprises acts of the EU Council, US legislation and general licenses, Euratom Supply Agency reports and corporate reporting, with cases selected by least favorability to competing explanations. The scientific novelty consists of three propositions. First, a temporal variable - the substitution lag - is introduced into the theory of weaponized interdependence, distinguishing nodes whose control converts into coercion from nodes where such conversion is blocked. Second, on this basis an authorial index of sanction resistance of the production chain link is constructed, combining four measurable parameters: technological substitutability, substitution lag, regulatory barrier and relative refusal price for the initiator. Third, zones of structural de-escalation are identified. Concentration of control over a node proves necessary but not sufficient for coercion; the sufficient condition is a favorable substitution lag ratio. Case analysis shows that the exclusion of the nuclear fuel cycle is explained neither by the EU unanimity requirement, nor by a lack of political will, nor by normative protection of the industry. The absence of a measure proves as informative as its introduction.

Keywords: economic coercion, sanctions regime, asymmetric interdependence, weaponized interdependence, nuclear fuel cycle, replacement lag, uranium enrichment, structural de-escalation, conflict escalation, Rosatom